Now turning back to the general issue of legitimacy, we can see that this use of lethal (and not only coercive) force appears from from any of those elements which can (in limited circumstances) render it legitimate.

The extra-judicial execution of Renee Nicole Good seems not to have a legal basis, it was not in accordance with legal rules, was sanctioned (even implicitly) by those who seek to evade accountability, and it may not be capable of review by an independent court.

The federal state is resisting working with the local police.

It looks as if the state is confident it can get away with it.

*

But.

The cost of the state getting away with it will be further diminution of the legitimacy of the state having a monopoly of coercive and legal power.
Now turning back to the general issue of legitimacy, we can see that this use of lethal (and not only coercive) force appears from from any of those elements which can (in limited circumstances) render it legitimate. The extra-judicial execution of Renee Nicole Good seems not to have a legal basis, it was not in accordance with legal rules, was sanctioned (even implicitly) by those who seek to evade accountability, and it may not be capable of review by an independent court. The federal state is resisting working with the local police. It looks as if the state is confident it can get away with it. * But. The cost of the state getting away with it will be further diminution of the legitimacy of the state having a monopoly of coercive and legal power.
Now turning back to the general issue of legitimacy, we can see that this use of lethal (and not only coercive) force appears from from any of those elements which can (in limited circumstances) render it legitimate.

The extra-judicial execution of Renee Nicole Good seems not to have a legal basis, it was not in accordance with legal rules, was sanctioned (even implicitly) by those who seek to evade accountability, and it may not be capable of review by an independent court.

The federal state is resisting working with the local police.

It looks as if the state is confident it can get away with it.

*

But.

The cost of the state getting away with it will be further diminution of the legitimacy of the state having a monopoly of coercive and legal power.
Now turning back to the general issue of legitimacy, we can see that this use of lethal (and not only coercive) force appears from from any of those elements which can (in limited circumstances) render it legitimate. The extra-judicial execution of Renee Nicole Good seems not to have a legal basis, it was not in accordance with legal rules, was sanctioned (even implicitly) by those who seek to evade accountability, and it may not be capable of review by an independent court. The federal state is resisting working with the local police. It looks as if the state is confident it can get away with it. * But. The cost of the state getting away with it will be further diminution of the legitimacy of the state having a monopoly of coercive and legal power.
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Screenshot of a paragraph from the linked book review, which reads: "His central contention is that the Freikorps soldiers were afraid of women. Indeed, not just afraid, they were deeply hostile to them, and their ultimate goal was to murder them. Women, in their view, came in only two varieties: Red and White. The White woman was the nurse, the mother, the sister. She was distinguished above all else by her sexlessness. The Red woman, on the other hand, was a whore and a Communist. She was a kind of distillation of sexuality, threatening to engulf the male in a whirlpool of bodily and emotional ecstasy. This, of course, was the woman the Freikorps soldier wished to kill, because she endangered his identity, his sense of self as a fixed and bounded being. In this manner Mr. Theweleit links the Freikorps soldiers' fantasies of women to their practical life as illegal anti-Communist guerillas: the Republic had to be destroyed because it empowered the lascivious Red woman, while it failed to protect the White woman's sexual purity."
Screenshot of a paragraph from the linked book review, which reads: "His central contention is that the Freikorps soldiers were afraid of women. Indeed, not just afraid, they were deeply hostile to them, and their ultimate goal was to murder them. Women, in their view, came in only two varieties: Red and White. The White woman was the nurse, the mother, the sister. She was distinguished above all else by her sexlessness. The Red woman, on the other hand, was a whore and a Communist. She was a kind of distillation of sexuality, threatening to engulf the male in a whirlpool of bodily and emotional ecstasy. This, of course, was the woman the Freikorps soldier wished to kill, because she endangered his identity, his sense of self as a fixed and bounded being. In this manner Mr. Theweleit links the Freikorps soldiers' fantasies of women to their practical life as illegal anti-Communist guerillas: the Republic had to be destroyed because it empowered the lascivious Red woman, while it failed to protect the White woman's sexual purity."
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